1For immigrants, arriving in France may represent a major break in their emotional and sexual lives. Many arrive as adults, but a non-negligible proportion migrate when they are younger and therefore become sexually active after migration. Sexuality issues are rarely broached in surveys of immigrants, except in relation to sexual health. Yet sexual behaviours, and notably the context of sexual debut, are powerful indicators of unequal gender relations. Élise Marsicano, Nathalie Lydié and Nathalie Bajos analyse the characteristics of the sexual debuts of migrants from sub-Saharan Africa, based on a survey carried out in open spaces in the Paris region. They look at the timing of sexual debut, the age gap between partners, and the degree of consent to first sexual intercourse, by time and place of intercourse, i.e. before or after migration, and by age at migration. The authors reveal the broad diversity of immigrant histories in this respect, and show that for those who arrived before age 10, the conditions of sexual debut are similar to those of the non-migrant population.

2Research on gender relations and their recomposition in the migratory context, has developed considerably in recent years (Catarino and Morokvasic, 2005; Dahinden et al., 2007; Rigoni and Séhili, 2005). Some studies have shown that migration is not always a factor of progress and emancipation for women, since the living conditions in the country of destination can exacerbate gender inequalities (Catarino and Morokvasic, 2005; Falquet and Rabaud, 2008; Moujoud, 2008). In addition to the supposed opposition between the traditional societies of origin and the modern receiving societies, the countries of origin themselves have undergone changes in gender relations (Moujoud, 2008), while in France, gender inequalities persist, although in different forms (Maruani, 2005).

3Although sexuality provides a good terrain for observing how gender relations are structured and recomposed (Bajos and Bozon, 2008), few researchers have looked at the affective and sexual trajectories of migrants. Gender relations are internalized and expressed as soon as young people become sexually active, and the first sexual intercourse is revealing of differential socialization between persons born as boys or as girls (Bozon, 1993). While asymmetries in male and female situations at the time of sexual debut are observed in all societies, they are constructed differently in different contexts (Bozon, 2003; Wellings et al., 2006).

4For people who have migrated, the context in which the first sexual intercourse occurred may be different from the context of their socialization during childhood and adolescence. Sub-Saharan African migrants provide an excellent example, given the radical differences between the conditions of sexual debut in their own country and in France. In sub-Saharan Africa, women become sexually active earlier than men and the age gaps between partners are considerable (Bozon and Hertrich, 2001; Wellings et al., 2006). The recent changes observed there are reflected in a postponement of marriage with respect to sexual debut, especially for women (Hertrich, 2007). In France, the conditions of sexual debut have changed considerably over recent decades, although they still reveal gender asymmetry (Bozon, 2008).

5By analysing the characteristics of the sexual debuts of migrants from sub-Saharan Africa, we hope to shed new light on the impact of men and women’s migratory trajectories on their first sexual experiences, as well as any possible changes in sexual power relations after migration. To do this, we use a 2005 survey of 1,874 respondents who had migrated from sub-Saharan Africa and were now living in the Paris region (Île-de-France). After describing the survey and the variables, we present the characteristics of the survey population, and provide a brief description of the respondents’ sexual debuts, taking account of individual and relational resources. Finally, we analyse three profiles of sexual debut according to the characteristics of the respondents’ migratory trajectories. Special attention is paid to situations that are similar in both men’s and women’s experiences, or, on the contrary, that are different.

I – A survey of sub-Saharan migrants in Île-de-France faced with HIV/AIDS

6In France, HIV/AIDS has severely affected migrant populations from sub-Saharan Africa (Cazein et al., 2008; Le Vu et al., 2009; Le Vu et al., 2010). The aim of the KABP-migrants survey (Knowledge, Attitudes, Beliefs and Practices) was to determine migrants’ level of knowledge about HIV/AIDS, along with their attitudes to, and opinions on, HIV/AIDS and condoms, their perception of risk and of the disease, and their ways of adapting to that risk (Lydié, 2007).

7The survey was carried out in Île-de-France, [1] the main residential region of people of sub-Saharan African origin (INSEE, 2005) and the leading metropolitan region affected by HIV/AIDS (Cazein et al., 2008). Respondents were interviewed face-to-face between June and July 2005 (Box 1). A pilot survey had been carried out in May of the same year to ensure that respondents understood the questionnaire and to test the survey’s feasibility. The final survey sample comprised 973 women and 901 men born in sub-Saharan Africa, aged between 18 and 49 years, and living in Île-de-France.

8Since the survey was carried out in Île-de-France, the results cannot be extrapolated to the entire African population living in France, even though 60 % of African migrants are concentrated in this region. Furthermore, since the questionnaire was administered in French, it may have led to an over-representation of persons with good French language skills, as well as people originally from French-speaking African countries.

9Interviewers of African origin were chosen to facilitate street recruitment; research has show that using interviewers of the same origin as the respondents improves participation (Elam and Fenton, 2003; McLean and Campbell, 2003). However, this advantage can become a drawback when administering the questionnaire, either because of an unwillingness to criticize cultural norms and admit to different values or behaviours, or because of concerns about anonymity and confidentiality (Elam and Fenton, 2003). To limit these risks and ensure that interviewers would not meet people they knew, they were not sent to the municipalities where they lived. In addition, they were all professional interviewers who had received specific training for this survey.

10While, for reasons of feasibility, convenience samples are generally preferred for surveys of migrants (Gras et al., 1999; Sadler et al. 2006; van Veen et al., 2009), this survey used random recruitment (Lydié, 2007; Lydié et al., 2008). The survey points were in places where persons of sub-Saharan African origin were likely to go, just as other people would, and not community places which might have led to greater selection bias (McLean and Campbell, 2003). Individuals who infrequently went to these places, and especially women who rarely left their homes, were probably underestimated in this survey, although the bias is difficult to assess. Regarding the high refusal rate, we only know that most people who refused to answer did so before discovering what the survey was about, often saying that they did not have time to spare.

11Young, highly educated, and recently arrived migrants were over-represented in the final sample, in equal proportions for both men and women. This was revealed by INSEE in a comparison of the data gathered in this survey with the 2004-2005 census for sub-Saharan African immigrants in Île-de-France (Lydié, 2007). Given that people who arrived after the early 1980s are younger and better qualified that people from earlier migration waves (Barou, 2002), this survey is probably more representative for more recent migrants. The breakdown by country of birth was not significantly different from that observed in the census, however. Respondents came from the six leading countries of emigration to France, namely Cameroon, Côte d’Ivoire, Congo, Mali, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and Senegal, in similar proportions to the census. These six countries accounted for 60 % of the sample (Lydié, 2007).

12This methodology therefore made it possible to question a diverse population in terms of living conditions and migration trajectory. The percentage of persons living illegally in France (11 %) was the same as that estimated for the African migrant population in France as a whole (Lessault and Beauchemin, 2009). The fact that undocumented immigrants not only agreed to take part in the survey but also agreed to reveal their administrative status suggests that the procedures regarding confidentiality and anonymity were understood. Similarly, the low rate of non-response (less than 1 %), including to questions perceived as sensitive, such as religion, administrative status or experience of sexual violence in their lifetimes, suggests that respondents felt at ease.

II – Recent migrations

20Our analysis of the socio-demographic and migratory characteristics of the survey population showed that the sample was mainly representative of recent migrations – i.e. those that started at the end of the 1970s – and less for older ones. Nearly 95 % of respondents interviewed in the survey had migrated to France after 1980. The composition of African migration changed at that time, due to the arrival of spouses in the context of family reunification, and the countries of origin became more diverse (Barou, 2002). In addition to migrants from the Senegal River basin (mainly Senegal and Mali) migrants now arrived from Congo, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Cameroon, and Cote d’Ivoire. Yet despite this diversity, more than 90 % of individuals in the sample came from French-speaking African countries, and nearly 60 % from West Africa, showing the impact of France’s colonial past in the organization of current migrations (Table 1).

21Our population showed a particularly high educational level, since more than half the respondents had spent time in higher education, and 38 % came to France to pursue their studies. Their profiles matched those of the second immigration wave from sub-Saharan Africa, characterized by a higher level of education, notably among individuals who arrived in France at a young age (INSEE, 2005). Higher education is a reason for migration in itself for many African migrants, especially those who migrated to the Île-de-France region (INSEE, 2005). We observed little difference in the educational levels of men and women, contrary to the situation in sub-Saharan Africa itself, especially in the French speaking countries, where school enrolment is low and there are large inequalities between boys and girls (Lange, 2007; Zoungrana et al., 2007).

22A study of the circumstances of respondents’ migration revealed clear gender differences (Table 1). The women arrived at a younger age than the men (median age at migration 19.9 years versus 22.7 years) and more frequently for family reasons (44 % versus 19 %). For women, most opportunities for migrating are to join a spouse, so this is one of the main reasons for migration (Borrel and Tavan, 2004). Lastly, a non-negligible percentage of the sample migrated for political reasons (12 % of men and 6 % of women), mainly migrants from the Democratic Republic of Congo, Congo, Côte d’Ivoire and Angola.

23The migrants’ profiles in this survey reflect transformations in the organization of migration from sub-Saharan Africa. The proportion of women was the same as that of men, the level of education was high, and the reasons for migration and the countries of origin were more diverse than in the earlier migration waves of the 1960s, which mainly concerned men from rural areas. These changes in migrants’ profiles need to be considered when analysing the context of sexual debut.

Table 1

Social and migratory characteristics of the survey population, by sex

Men Women Total M/W gap p-value % Number % Number % Number Age at time of survey 18-24 22.5 200 33.0 317 27.9 517 0.000 25-34 44.0 392 38.8 373 41.3 765 35-49 33.5 298 28.2 272 30.8 570 Total 100.0 890 100.0 962 100.0 1,852 Educational level Primary at most 8.4 74 8.2 78 8.4 152 0.005 Secondary 34.7 306 42.0 401 38.5 707 Higher 56.9 501 49.8 476 53.2 977 Total 100.0 881 100.0 955 100.0 1,836 Current religion Catholic 30.8 272 45.0 432 38.2 704 0.000 Protestant 15.3 135 16.2 156 15.8 291 Muslim 45.1 398 32.0 307 38.2 705 Other religion 2.7 24 3.0 29 2.9 53 No religion 6.0 53 3.9 37 4.9 90 Total 100.0 882 100.0 961 100.0 1,843 Current religious practice Regular practice 50.5 445 47.0 451 48.7 896 0.014 No regular practice 49.5 436 53.0 508 51.3 944 Total 100.0 881 100.0 959 100.0 1,840 Region of birth West Africa 60.3 537 58.6 564 59.5 1101 0.410 Central Africa 32.9 293 35.6 342 34.3 635 Eastern and southern Africa 6.7 60 5.8 56 6.3 116 Total 100.0 890 100.0 962 100.0 1,852 Year arrived in France Before 1989 22.4 197 26.4 251 24.5 448 0.089 1990-1999 34.6 304 34.6 329 34.6 633 Since 2000 43.0 378 39.0 370 40.9 748 Total 100.0 879 100.0 950 100.0 1,829 Age at migration to France Below 10 8.3 73 13.4 127 10.9 200 0.000 10-14 7.5 66 12.6 120 10.2 186 15-19 20.5 180 24.7 235 22.7 415 20+ 63.7 560 49.3 468 56.2 1028 Total 100.0 879 100.0 950 100.0 1,829 Main reason for coming to France Join a spouse or family member 19.1 168 43.7 412 31.8 580 0.000 Study 39.3 346 36.1 340 37.7 686 Find work 27.5 242 11.0 104 19.0 346 Political reasons 12.4 109 5.5 52 8.8 161 Medical reasons 1.7 15 3.6 34 2.7 49 Total 100.0 880 100.0 942 100.0 1,822

Social and migratory characteristics of the survey population, by sex

Interpretation: 12.4 % of men and 5.5 % of women reported political reasons as the main reason for coming to France.

III – A later sexual debut for women

24In our sample, women reported later sexual debuts than men (median age of 19.1 years versus 17.8 years), especially in the more recent cohorts (Table 2). This situation is the reverse of that observed in sub-Saharan Africa, where women have earlier sexual debuts than men, and where transformations in nuptiality have led to a convergence in the timing of male and female sexual debuts for the most recent cohorts (Hertrich, 2007). Even among West Africans, women have later sexual debuts than men, whereas a feature of this region is that women become sexually active very early (Bozon, 2003).

25This difference in timing of first sexual intercourse is mainly related to the migrants’ social and cultural capital (Table 2). In this survey, these characteristics may be deduced from information about educational levels – as an indicator of educational socialization and of the duration of schooling – as well as religion and current religious practice, which we consider to be an indicator of religious socialization, while making no assumptions about the direction of the relationship between religious practice and sexual debut (Caltabiano et al., 2006).

Table 2

Median age at sexual debut by socio-cultural characteristics and sex

Men Women M/W gap p-value Median age Numbers Median age Numbers Total 17.8 843 19.1 945 0.000 Age at time of survey 18-24 years 18.1 196 21.0 314 0.001 25-34 years 17.6 372 18.8 368 0.000 35-49 years 18.0 275 18.6 263 0.045 p-value between median ages, by sex 0.157 0.000 Region of birth West Africa 18.4 510 19.6 553 0.000 Central Africa 17.1 274 18.3 338 0.000 Eastern and southern Africa 17.6 59 19.9 54 0.021 p-value between median ages, by sex 0.000 0.000 Educational level Primary school or less 20.0 66 17.7 76 0.000 Secondary 17.8 293 18.4 393 0.013 Higher 17.6 475 20.0 471 0.000 p-value between median ages, by sex 0.000 0.000 Religion and current practice Regularly practicing Catholic 16.8 87 18.8 164 0.000 Regularly practicing Protestant 17.5 62 18.5 65 0.147 Regularly practicing Muslim 19.3 252 21.1 191 0.001 Non regularly practicing Catholic 17.2 172 18.4 259 0.000 Non regularly practicing Protestant 17.1 66 18.5 87 0.011 Non regularly practicing Muslim 17.9 122 21.0 110 0.000 Other religion 17.5 21 18.1 29 0.536 No religion 17.6 52 18.2 37 0.399 p-value between median ages, by sex 0.000 0.000

Median age at sexual debut by socio-cultural characteristics and sex

Note: The religious practice variable was constructed taking account of religion and current practice, and distinguishing persons who reported regular current practice of a religion from other situations (irregular practice or non-practicing).
Interpretation: The median age at first sexual intercourse was 17.1 years for men of Central African origin, and 18.3 years for women in the same group.
Reference population: All respondents in the survey, including those who reported never having had sexual intercourse.

26In addition to individual characteristics, the information on the relationship helps to understand the conditions in which sexual debut occurred (Table 3). While not permitting an exhaustive analysis of the types of power relations in a relationship, the age gap with the partner nonetheless provides an indicator of unequal relationships (Bozon, 2005). When the man and woman are close in age, the power relation is more balanced. This was the case for more than half the men but only 15 % of the women. For women, the most frequent situation was having a partner between two and four years older, and 14 % reported having a partner at least 10 years older (Table 3).

27

Table 3

Median age at sexual debut by relationship characteristics and sex

Men Women M/W gap p-value % Median age Number % Median age Number Age gap between partners Woman older 19.2 15.9 143 0.0 – 0 – Woman and man same age 57.1 17.1 424 14.8 18.3 101 0.000 Man 2-4 years older 21.0 20.1 156 41.5 18.0 284 0.000 Man 5-9 years older 2.7 23.8 20 29.7 18.9 203 0.000 Man at least 10 years older 0.0 – 0 14.0 18.0 96 – Total 100.0 743 100.0 684 p-value between median ages, by sex 0.001 0.001 Consent to sexual intercourse Wanted 90.0 17.5 658 67.1 18.6 510 0.000 Not wanted but accepted 7.8 16.9 57 25.7 17.9 195 0.031 Forced 2.2 18.0 16 7.2 16.9 55 0.527 Total 100.0 731 100.0 760 p-value between median ages, by sex 0.242 0.002

Median age at sexual debut by relationship characteristics and sex

Interpretation: 57.1 % of men were the same age as their partners during their first sexual intercourse, compared with 14.8 % of women.
Reference population: Individuals reporting a first sexual intercourse with a different-sex partner.

Only individuals with no more than primary school education had sexual debuts at similar ages to those observed in sub-Saharan Africa, and in this case women had earlier sexual debuts than men (17.7 years versus 20.0 years; Table 2). Conversely, men with higher education had earlier sexual debuts than women with the same educational level (17.6 years versus 20.0 years), or men with a lower educational level (20.0 years). Women who had come to France to study had later sexual debuts than their male counterparts in the same situation (19.8 years versus 17.6 years).

28The differences in timing between men and women are also linked to religious socialization. Men and women reporting no religion had sexual debuts at similar ages. Conversely, women who reported having a religion had later sexual debuts than men in the same groups (Table 2). While religious practice is usually associated with a later sexual debut (Bozon, 1993; Caltabiano et al., 2006), that is not the case for practicing Catholics and Protestants compared with non-practicing Catholics and Protestants. However, practicing Muslim men have later sexual debuts than non-practicing Muslim men (19.3 years versus 17.9 years). Muslim women also have later sexual debuts, whether they reported practicing their religion or not (21.1 years and 21.0 years).

29Men have younger sexual partners when their first sexual intercourse is later, whereas the majority of women have older partners irrespective of their age at first sexual intercourse (Table 3). Furthermore, far more women than men reported having accepted but not wanted the first sexual intercourse (26 % versus 8 %) or having been forced (7 % versus 2 %). Under-reporting of these events is certainly greater among men, since 40 % reported no sexual violence in their lifetimes even though they had reported a first forced sexual intercourse, compared with 10 % of women. [3] This may be related to a greater difficulty in discussing these experiences or a different understanding of the words “violence” and “forced”, the borderline between unwanted but accepted sexual intercourse and forced intercourse being different for each individual. The numbers concerned were very low, however, and these results should be interpreted with caution.

30For men, no link was observed between the age at first sexual intercourse and consent, which may be due to the low frequency of unwanted sexual intercourse. However, unwanted sexual intercourse occurred more frequently at younger ages for women. Sexual debut occurred at age 18.6 years for those reporting wanted first sexual intercourse, at 17.9 years when it was not wanted but accepted, and 16.9 years when it was forced on them. Very young women, without social or financial independence, find themselves in relationships where they have no room for manœuvre in negotiating sexual intercourse, particularly when they have older partners. Indeed, women with older partners more frequently reported unwanted or forced sexual intercourse. This was also true for men (results not shown), but the situation is different for men and women, since men with older partners are outside the norm and are thus specific cases.

31These initial findings highlight the role of social and cultural capital and their gender-specific effects. Educational socialization contributes to postponing sexual debut for women and advancing it for men. Being a practicing Muslim for men, and being a Muslim for women, are associated with later sexual debut. These results also reveal the assymetry in men’s and women’s situations, whether in the size of the age gap between partners or the frequency of unwanted sexual intercourse, notably for women. The differences between male and female sexual experiences must be viewed in the light of their migration trajectories.

IV – Migration trajectory and sexual debut

32The profiles we constructed shed light on the diverse conditions of sexual debut among this population. The three profiles correspond to the following situations (Table 4 and Appendix Table):

Table 4

Circumstances of sexual debut by profile and sex

Sexual debut before migration (Profile 1) Sexual debut after migration Migration after age 10 (Profile 2) Sexual debut after migration Migration before age 10 (Profile 3) Man Woman Man Woman Man Woman % N % N % N % N % N % N Overall 55.5 550 44.5 441 36.2 130 63.8 229 39.7 56 60.3 85 Median age at first sexual intercourse 17.2 17.8 18.8 19.2 16.6 18.2 p-value between the sexes, by profile 0.006 0.544 0.000 p-value between profiles, by sex 0.000 0.000 Age gap between partners Woman older 16.8 88 0.0 1 10.2 13 1.4 3 12.7 7 0.0 0 Man and woman the same age 59.5 311 11.4 47 51.6 66 12.8 28 80.0 44 31.0 26 Man 2-4 years older 21.8 114 38.8 160 28.9 37 39.4 86 7.3 4 40.5 34 Man 5-9 years older 1.9 10 33.8 139 8.6 11 35.8 78 0.0 0 21.4 18 Man at least 10 years older 0.0 0 16.0 66 0.7 1 10.6 23 0.0 0 7.1 6 Total 100.0 523 100.0 413 100.0 128 100.0 218 100.0 55 100.0 84 p-value between the sexes, by profile 0.000 0.000 0.000 p-value between profiles, by sex 0.000 0.000 Consent to first sexual intercourse Wanted 89.6 481 61.8 272 93.0 120 71.1 162 89.3 50 81.0 68 Not wanted but accepted 8.0 43 28.2 124 5.4 7 25.0 57 8.9 5 16.7 14 Forced 2.4 13 10.0 44 1.6 2 4.0 9 1.8 1 2.4 2 Total 100.0 537 100.0 440 100.0 129 100.0 228 100.0 56 100.0 84 p-value between the sexes, by profile 0.000 0.000 0.411 p-value between profiles, by sex 0.829 0.001

Circumstances of sexual debut by profile and sex

Interpretation: Among individuals who had their sexual debut before migration, 10 % of women reported a forced first sexual intercourse and 2.4 % of men.
Reference population: Respondents reporting a first sexual intercourse with a different-sex partner.

33The first comprises persons who experienced their sexual debut before migration, so sexual socialization and sexual debut were concurrent and occurred in their country of origin. This was the majority situation in our sample, and concerns 75 % of the men and 58 % of the women.

34The second profile comprises individuals who experienced their sexual debut after migration, having migrated after age 10. Their sexual socialization mainly occurred before migration, whereas their sexual debut took place after. This concerns 18 % of the men and 30 % of the women

35The third comprises individuals who experienced their sexual debut after migration and who migrated before age 10. While this category only accounts for 8 % of the men and 11 % of the women (Appendix), it enabled us to consider the influence of socialization in the country of destination and especially entry into secondary school. While these individuals were migrants in the sense that they were born as foreigners abroad, their migratory experience is different from those who arrived at a later age, and is also similar for men and women, since family reunification was the majority reason for migration (72 %). These individuals were mainly socialized and educated after migration.

36The social and migratory characteristics of the individuals in each profile are given in the Appendix.

When first sexual intercourse precedes migration (Profile 1)

37This profile concerns individuals whose sexual debut occurred before their migration to France, and more frequently men than women because of the later age at migration (Table 1). These were the most recent migrations (half the individuals arrived after 2000), concerning new migrants who left their country in search of employment opportunities or because of political instability (Appendix Table; Barou, 2002). Migration had no real impact on these respondents’ sexual debuts, since they became sexually active well before migration (about six years) (Appendix Table).

38The median age at first sexual intercourse was 17.2 years for men and 17.8 for women (Table 4). Thus, including those who experienced their first sexual intercourse prior to migration, women became sexually active later than men. Women from Central Africa had earlier sexual debuts than their counterparts from West Africa (Table 5), reflecting the regional variations observed in sub-Saharan Africa (Bozon, 2003). However, the differences in timing were mainly due to the differences in educational capital; women with less education had an earlier sexual debut than their male counterparts (16.6 years versus 18.8 years). Conversely, women with higher education had a later sexual debut than men with the same educational level (18.4 years versus 17.0 years). Women’s education usually delays union formation, as women who devote themselves to their studies tend to avoid committing themselves to romantic and sexual relationships (Lange, 2007; Mouvagha-Sow, 2007).

39Investing in education provides access to a degree of independence and provides new opportunities that are constructed differently by men and women. Men reach adult status more quickly, which may lead to earlier sexual debut, whereas for women, education tends to have the reverse effect (Table 5). Thus early sexual debut acquires a different meaning according to a person’s sex: it relates to absence of education and a greater probability of having unwanted sexual intercourse in the case of women, whereas for men it is often linked to a higher educational level. The marker of domination or independence is not the age at first sexual intercourse in itself, but the relationship between the timing of sexual debut and educational capital.

40Many women reported having partners at least ten years older (16 %; Table 4). When the man is far older, it may imply that the woman is in a subordinate position and could indicate that the first sexual intercourse took place within marriage (Barbieri and Hertrich, 2005). Some 17 % of men reported having a first sexual partner who was older than they were (Table 4). While the distribution of age gaps between partners is different for men and women, having an older partner is associated with a younger age at first sexual intercourse for both sexes (Table 5).

Table 5

Factors associated with a sexual debut before age 18 years (profile 1), by sex

Men Women Adjusted odds ratios p Number Adjusted odds ratios p Number Total number 519 383 Age at time of survey 18-24 years 1.94 [0.96 – 3.94] 0.065 57 3.64 [1.62;8.15] 0.002 44 25-34 years 1.40 [0.93 – 2.12] 0.111 255 1,12 [0.70 – 1.80] 0.633 147 35-49 years 1 217 1 166 Educational level Primary school or less 0.34 [0.14 – 0.79] 0.013 38 4.06 [1.81 – 9.12] 0.001 42 Secondary 0.87 [0.57 – 1.33] 0.520 161 2.55 [1.56 – 4.17] 0.000 178 Higher 1 330 1 164 Region of birth West Africa 1 298 1 214 Central Africa 1.12 [0.69 – 1.83] 0.642 194 2.08 [1.25 – 3.47] 0.005 153 Eastern and southern Africa 1.09 [0.50 – 2.38] 0.821 37 0.44 [0.13 – 1.45] 0.176 17 Religion and current practice Regularly practicing Muslim 0.58 [0.33 – 1.01] 0.055 143 0.90 [0.45 – 1.81] 0.766 65 Regularly practicing, other religion 0.78 [0.47 – 1.29] 0.333 123 1.16 [0.68 – 1.98] 0.591 107 Irregularly practicing Muslim 0.71 [0.36 – 1.42] 0.333 62 0.93 [0.39 – 2.21] 0.865 31 Irregularly practicing, other religion 1 201 1 181 Age gap between partners Woman older 2.18 [1.24 – 3.81] 0.006 108 – 1 Man and woman same age 1 299 1 46 Man 2-4 years older 0.27 [0.17 – 0.44] 0.000 112 2.14 [1.03 – 4.43] 0.040 159 Man 5-9 years older – 10 0.92 [0.43 – 1.96] 0.836 113 Man at least 10 years older – 0 0.95 [0.41 – 2.18] 0.902 65 Consent to sexual intercourse Wanted 1 473 1 239 Not wanted but accepted 1.16 [0.54 – 2.51] 0.702 43 1.40 [0.85 – 2.28] 0.183 112 Forced 0.70 [0.21 – 2.31] 0.562 13 2.38 [1.00 – 5.66] 0.049 33

Factors associated with a sexual debut before age 18 years (profile 1), by sex

Note: The reference category is the fact of having experienced first sexual intercourse at age 18 or over.
Interpretation: Women with a secondary school educational level are 2.55 times more likely to have their sexual debut before age 18 than those with a higher educational level.
Reference population: Individuals who had their first sexual intercourse before migrating to France.

41Unwanted first sexual intercourse was frequently reported by women, whether unwanted but accepted (28 %) or forced (10 %; Table 4). Unwanted first sexual intercourse was reported far less frequently by men, but men from eastern and southern Africa reported an unwanted but accepted first sexual intercourse (18 % versus 7 %) or forced first sexual intercourse (8 % versus 2 %) more frequently. Many countries in these regions have experienced war (Rwanda, Angola, Democratic Republic of Congo) and periods of severe instability. Sexual aggression escalates in such an environment and would explain the increase in forced sexual intercourse, notably for women (Lalou et al., 2006). Men may have been equally concerned by sexual violence but this is poorly documented, notably because masculine stereotypes are strong, and males victims dare not speak out for fear of stigmatization (Linos, 2009). These results must be viewed with caution because of the small numbers concerned, but they do shed interesting light on sexual violence towards men.

42Among the individuals who experienced first sexual intercourse before migration to France, the gap in timing between men and women is reversed with respect to the situation in sub-Saharan Africa. This is mainly due to the structure of our sample, in which educated people are over-represented. Sub-Saharan African migrants have a high educational level (INSEE, 2005) and are more qualified than the persons living in sub-Saharan Africa because of educational over-selection of candidates for migration (Beauchemin et al., 2010). Educational capital plays an important role both in the age of sexual debut and the fact of migrating, which is further accentuated by the structure of our sample. Comparisons between individuals who migrated from sub-Saharan Africa and those living in sub-Saharan Africa are limited here, because the social and, especially, the educational profiles of these populations are so different.

43However, comparisons with the persons who experienced their sexual debut after migrating to France (profile 2) do allow us to distinguish between factors linked to the context of sexual socialization and those relating to the social context of sexual debut. While the majority of respondents in these two profiles were socialized in their native country, the context of first sexual intercourse was different for each profile.

When the first sexual intercourse occurred after migration (profile 2)

44This profile comprises individuals who experienced their sexual debut after migration and who migrated after age 10. For them, sexual socialization mainly occurred prior to migration, whereas first sexual intercourse took place in the years following migration. While these people were partly educated in their country of origin, most completed their education in France. They usually migrated around the age of 15, and continued their studies beyond lower secondary school, and often up to the baccalauréat high school exit examination (Appendix Table).

45Compared with the first profile, persons in this group migrated earlier, in the mid-1980s, and education is an important reason for migration to France. This may account partly for the particularly late timing of the sexual debut, with a median age of first sexual intercourse of approximately 19 years for both men and women (Table 4). Although these respondents spent their childhood and part of their adolescence in their countries of origin, there was no difference in the age of first sexual intercourse by region or origin (Table 6). This may reflect the influence of the social context in which the first sexual intercourse occurred, despite the long period of socialization in the country of origin.

46The men and women in this profile had later sexual debuts than those who migrated after their sexual debut (profile 1; Table 4). These respondents migrated and became sexually active practically at the same time, which may have contributed to delaying their sexual debut. Like women who had their sexual debut before migration (profile 1), those with higher education were older when they became sexually active than the men with the same educational level (results not shown) and than women with secondary school education only (Table 6). School socialization contributes to postpone the timing of the women’s sexual debut independently of the social context in which first sexual intercourse occurred. Conversely, men with higher education did not have earlier sexual debuts than other men, unlike respondents in profile 1 (Table 5). This may be due to low numbers. Nevertheless, it seems that the value of educational capital differs for men depending on the social context in which the sexual debut occurred. In sub-Saharan Africa, educated men are rarer and form a selected population, which may give them a certain prestige. In France, the selection effect of education is much less important for men and sexual debut is structured by other factors, in particular religious socialization.

Table 6

Factors associated with the fact of having experienced first sexual intercourse before age 19 years (profile 2) and by sex

Men Women Adjusted odds ratios p Number Adjusted odds ratios p Number Total number 125 208 Age at the time of the survey 18-24 years 1.56 [0.41 – 5.91] 0.513 38 2.57 [1.09 – 6.08] 0.031 78 25-34 years 1.98 [0.62 – 6.31] 0.250 51 1.90 [0.82 – 4.41] 0.135 87 35-49 years 1 36 1 43 Educational level Secondary maximum 1 64 1 94 Higher 0.80 [0.32 – 1.98] 0.625 61 0.25 [0.13 – 0.49] 0.000 114 Region of birth West Africa 1 84 1 120 Central Africa 1.37 [0.38 – 4.94] 0.633 29 0.92 [0.44 – 1.91] 0.814 75 Eastern and southern Africa 1.11 [0.21 – 5.91] 0.903 12 1.31 [0.35 – 4.87] 0.690 13 Religion and current practice Regularly practicing Muslim 0.23 [0.06 – 0.83] 0.026 44 0.33 [0.12 – 0.89] 0.029 40 Regularly practicing, other religion 2.71 [0.50 – 14.78] 0.248 14 0.82 [0.38 – 1.80] 0.629 54 Irregularly practicing Muslim 0.72 [0.18 – 2.81] 0.637 25 0.21 [0.07 – 0.63] 0.005 27 Irregularly practicing, other religion 1 42 1 87 Age gap between partners Woman older 0.27 [0.07 – 1.06] 0.060 14 – – Man and woman same age 1 65 1 31 Man 2-4 years older 0.10 0.03 – 0.30] 0.000 46 0.55 [0.21 – 1.43] 0.223 84 Man at least 5 years older – 0 0.37 [0.14 – 0.96] 0.040 93 Consent to sexual intercourse Wanted 1 116 1 150 Not wanted but accepted or forced 4.07 [0.70 – 23.63] 0.118 9 3.18 [1.55 – 6.50] 0.002 58

Factors associated with the fact of having experienced first sexual intercourse before age 19 years (profile 2) and by sex

Note: The reference category is experience of first sexual intercourse at age 19 or over.
Interpretation: Women with higher education were 0.25 times less likely to experience their sexual debut before age 19 than women with secondary school education at most.
Reference population: Respondents who experienced their first sexual intercourse after migration and migrated after age 10.

47In this profile, practicing Muslim men reported later sexual debuts than other men (Table 6). The fact that their personal practice is associated with a later sexual debut may reflect their own internal control over their sexual practices. Muslim women, on the other hand, whether practicing or not, had later sexual debuts than other women, which may be a sign of family control over their social lives. This double standard (religious and family context for young women versus personal religious practice for young men), has also been observed among young men and women of North African origin in France (Lagrange and Lhomond, 1997). Nothing similar was observed for women whose sexual debuts occurred before migration (profile 1). This may indicate a tightening of control over women’s sexuality in a migration context. Moreover, religion may become a distinguishing factor in a Catholic or secular context, which was not the case in these people’s country of origin.

48Migration does not always lead to an improvement in women’s situations, nor does it reduce gender inequalities. Men reported wider age gaps with their partners than those whose first sexual intercourse occurred before migration (profile 1, Table 4). Two factors are combined here: later sexual debut after migration (Table 4) and wider age gaps with the partner when the sexual debut occurs later (Table 3), resulting in larger age gaps for men who became sexually active after migration. For women, the age gaps are very similar to those of women in the first profile and remain considerable (Table 4). However, forced first sexual intercourse is much less frequent for women who became sexually active after migration. In a migratory context, this may indicate a decrease in a certain type of violence against women. Nevertheless, some 25 % reported unwanted but accepted first sexual relations in this profile.

49Comparisons between respondents in the first and second profiles show that the social context of sexual debut modifies the role of educational and religious socialization. In a migratory context, the role of religion appears to grow stronger, notably for women, while education has a lesser influence for men. Migration does not necessarily lead to a convergence of the male/female experience, as shown by the size of the age gaps for men. Furthermore forced sexual intercourse, while less frequent than in the first profile, remains associated with an early sexual debut for women (Table 6). Independently of the social context, early sexual debut is a marker of unequal relationships in which women have little room for manœuvre.

50Although these individuals became sexually active after migration, they were socialized in their countries of origin, unlike the respondents in the third profile who migrated to France as children. These two groups can be compared to determine the role of the socialization context for persons who experienced their sexual debut after migration.

Conclusion

55This article looked at the recomposition of gender relations in a migratory context, through the specific angle of the sexual debuts of sub-Saharan African migrants. There are very few indicators available for analysing gender relations and pinpointing gender inequalities in this area. The fact that men and women have sexual debuts at similar ages does not signify that their experiences are the same. Furthermore, the lack of information about the first partner makes it more difficult to interpret the signification of this first sexual intercourse.

56Nevertheless, our results show that social and cultural capital is a determining factor in the timing of sexual debut. In addition, the influence of educational and religious socialization differs according to the context of sexual debut, and in different ways for men and for women. Being in education contributes to women postponing their sexual debut, whether before or after migration. Conversely, a high educational level brings it forward solely for men who experienced their first sexual intercourse prior to migration. The role of religious socialization appears to grow stronger in the migratory context, notably for women. For individuals who became sexually active before migration, the age gaps between the partners as well as the frequency of forced first sexual intercourse (primarily for women) reflect very unequal power relations. However, the fact of having migrated during childhood paves the way for much more egalitarian sexual debuts, closer to those of persons born in France. The characteristics of the sexual debut are a marker of lasting attitudes with regard to sexuality, be it the timing of first sexual intercourse or gender interaction (Bozon, 1993). Placing migrants’ conditions of sexual debut in the context of their migration history is key to understanding later developments in their sexual trajectories.