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1The relationship between women’s employment and motherhood is complex and at times seems paradoxical. At the European level, it is in countries with the highest proportions of working women that fertility is highest, while at the individual level, women with large families are less frequently employed. How can these findings be explained? Jonas Wood, Karel Neels, David De Wachter and Tine Kil make a practical contribution to the analysis of causal relationships between fertility and employment by looking at educational gradients in the labour market positions and working hours of women before and after the birth of their first or second child. Comparing France, the Netherlands and Hungary, three countries with very different social and family policies, they highlight the influence of the career path preceding the first birth, itself strongly linked to educational level, on employment after the first and second birth.

2Female labour force participation in Europe increased between the 1970s and the 2000s, with the greatest rise for mothers (Hynes and Clarkberg, 2005). Mothers of young children now re-enter the workforce more quickly after childbirth, suggesting that the male breadwinner model is steadily losing ground (Dex et al., 1998; Gaudet et al., 2011). Despite the rise in maternal employment, the impact of family formation on labour market positions continues to be much stronger for women than for men. As a result, contemporary policy-makers and social policy researchers highlight the importance of female employment in the prevention of poverty (Cantillon et al., 2001; Juby et al., 2005; Morel, 2007), as non-employment due to family formation may result in deteriorating human capital and wage potential (Beblo and Wolf, 2002; Gutiérrez-Domènech, 2005; Kenjoh, 2005), but also in higher unemployment risks and lower professional mobility in the long run (Felmlee, 1995; Shapiro and Mott, 1994).

3The relation between family formation and female employment has been high on the demographic research agenda for decades (Becker, 1960). Research has found that mothers work less when (young) children are present in the household (Brewster and Rindfuss, 2000; Nakamura and Nakamura, 1994), but also that they increasingly return to the labour force as their children grow older (Dex et al., 1998; Giannelli, 1996; Joshi et al., 1996). However, relying on cross-sectional data, many contributions fail to control for employment before motherhood, which has been shown to affect maternal employment patterns (Gaudet et al., 2011; Kil et al., 2015; Matysiak and Vignoli, 2010; Nakamura and Nakamura, 1994).

4Concerning educational differences, higher educated mothers are more likely to be employed (Dex et al., 1998), whereas lower educated mothers show stronger home attachment (Bernhardt, 1986). While many contributions assess educational differences in maternal employment, few distinguish between educational differences in employment before the onset of family formation and educational differences in the effect of fertility on employment.

5This study adopts an original approach by decomposing educational differences in maternal employment into two components, i.e. the differences existing prior to motherhood and the differential effects of first and second births on employment. This allows us to assess whether educational differences in maternal employment are primarily driven by differential employment before parenthood or by different employment trajectories after childbearing. Hence, this study indicates whether social policies should target employment patterns before motherhood or the impact of childbearing on employment to reduce educational differentials in maternal employment.

6This article studies France, the Netherlands and Hungary, as these countries reflect some of the strong variations in European social policy towards maternal employment (Salles et al., 2010). France is often grouped with Belgium and even Scandinavian countries where childcare provision enables mothers to remain in full-time employment with minimal career disruptions. The Netherlands, on the other hand, is frequently grouped with Germany, Italy and other OECD countries where family policies oblige mothers to (partlially) retreat from the labour force until their child enters the educational system (Anttonen and Sipilä, 1996; Gornick et al., 1997). Hungary is characterized by its communist legacy which has strongly influenced its contemporary social policy (Avdeyeva, 2009).

I – Educational differences in female employment in three countries

7The developmental approach to women’s employment behaviour (Blair-Loy, 2003; Garcia-Manglano, 2014; Gerson, 1986) combines explanatory narratives of both socialization theories and structural theories. Socialization theories emphasize that women’s employment decisions are driven by their preferences and attitudes which are partly determined by socialization. In contrast, structural theories approach female economic activity as the outcome of social conditions and opportunities (e.g. labour market opportunities, availability of childcare). The developmental approach to women’s labour market choices argues that a woman’s decision to withdraw from the labour market, to work part-time or full-time results from her preferred mode of behaviour, given the options available.

1 – Female employment and educational attainment

Female employment before motherhood

8The literature indicates that besides the importance of aggregate-level economic cycles and their effect on female sectors of employment (Crompton, 2006; Gutiérrez-Domènech, 2005; Verick, 2009), individual-level employability [1] also determines job opportunities. Higher educated women are more likely to find a job thanks to higher human capital (Gaudet et al., 2011) and crowding-out effects (Dolado et al., 2000; McQuaid and Lindsay, 2005; Olah and Fratczak, 2004).

9In line with the developmental approach, we note that whether or not job opportunities result in female employment depends on women’s attitudes towards work (Garcia-Manglano, 2014; Hakim, 2002). Highly educated women attach greater importance to their role in the labour force as a means of self-realization and display more positive attitudes toward female employment (Alwin et al., 1992; Buchholz et al., 2009; Friedman et al., 1994; Neels and Theunynck, 2012a). Investments in a career yield greater long-term advantages (e.g. wages, job status) for highly educated women (Liefbroer and Corijn, 1999). The literature shows that these women safeguard their career before entering motherhood (Liefbroer and Corijn, 1999; Matysiak and Vignoli, 2010), whereas groups with few opportunities to develop stable careers (e.g. low educated women) may opt for childbearing as an alternative (Friedman et. al., 1994). In a similar sense, entering part-time work at early stages of the life course may jeopardize long-term career paths for highly educated women due to penalties in terms of on-the-job training, promotions, wages and job security. Working part-time might also signal less commitment to a long-term career (Liefbroer and Corijn, 1999; OECD, 2010). However, OECD findings show that the penalty of part-time employment is weak in countries such as the Netherlands where the practice is widespread (OECD, 2010).

Combining work and family

10Whereas men’s labour market positions are relatively stable over the life course, childbearing is one of the strongest factors affecting women’s labour force participation (Brewster and Rindfuss, 2000; Garcia-Manglano, 2014). Mothers who choose to be active in the labour market have to combine work and family roles. Work-family compatibility depends on various contextual and household-level factors (Hynes and Clarkberg, 2005), but also on women’s individual attitudes to work and family.

11First, family policy may support the work-family balance. The literature indicates that separate taxation systems – which in contrast to joint taxation encourage two-earner families – are positively related to maternal employment (Gutiérrez-Domènech, 2005). Parental leave is designed to allow parents to focus on childrearing tasks before returning to (full-time) employment (Dex et al., 1998; Gaudet et al., 2011), and makes it easier for women to keep a foothold in the labour force (Gerber and Perelli-Harris, 2009; Pronzato, 2009). However, parental leave also delays women’s return to work (Matysiak and Szalma, 2014), long periods of leave especially (Fagnani, 1999; Fitzenberger et al., 2010; Lalive and Zweimüller, 2009). Research indicates that highly educated mothers are more likely to use parental leave (Desmet et al., 2007; Wood and Neels, 2014) but also that this group is more likely to take short parental leave and to return to work afterwards (Fitzenberger et al., 2010; Matysiak and Szalma, 2014). In addition, the availability, affordability, quality, and cultural acceptance of formal childcare affect the feasibility of combining work and family (De Wachter et al., 2014; Fagnani, 2002; Stone, 2007). Available evidence shows a positive educational gradient in the use of (in) formal childcare (Ghysels and Van Lancker, 2009; Neels and Theunynck, 2012a; Paull et al., 2002).

12Second, part-time work allows women to fulfil their roles as both a mother and an earner (Booth and van Ours, 2013; Laurijssen, 2012). However, depending on the country considered, part-time work also adversely affects future promotions, job security and training. And naturally, part-time work is also associated with lower monthly wages which may make it financially impracticable, particularly for low educated groups.

13Third, household characteristics also affect the feasibility of combining work and family. It is more important for lone mothers to work as they do not have a partner to support them financially (Dex et al., 1998; Drobnic et al., 1999, Gutiérrez-Domènech, 2005; Jeon, 2008, Smock et al., 1999). Cohabiting or married mothers with a low-income partner may have a stronger incentive to return to the labour market (Gaudet et al., 2011). Gender equality within the household (in division of housework, for example) – which is greater for highly educated women (Crompton and Lyonette, 2005; Kil, 2014; Marks et al., 2009) – may also encourage maternal employment (Crompton, 2006; Smith, 1985).

14Fourth, in line with the developmental approach, we note that women’s uptake of employment opportunities depends on their preferences. Highly educated women show more favourable attitudes toward maternal employment (Neels and Theunynck, 2012a, 2012b; Scott, 1999).

2 – The French, Dutch and Hungarian settings

15These three countries represent the diversity of social and family policies in Europe: France where maternal employment is the norm and preschool childcare is widely available; the Netherlands where it is difficult for mothers of children under three to return to work (most of those who do so take part-time jobs); and Hungary whose social policies – including long parental leave – reflect its communist legacy.

France: a high maternal employment rate

16The relatively high level of maternal employment in France is often linked to the widespread availability of subsidized childcare (Baranowska-Rataj and Matysiak, 2014; Haas, 2003; Thevenon, 2008). The French parental leave system (2-3 years of leave depending on the period considered) is characterized by low benefits. Up to 1994, leave-taking was unpaid for the second child, and up to 2004 for the first child likewise (Fagnani et al., 2013; Wood and Neels, 2014). Thereafter, parental leave benefits remained far below the equivalent of lost earnings (Haas, 2003). The taxation system favours one-earner families when the couple is married or in a civil partnership, though not to the same extent as in the Netherlands (OECD, 2010). [2] The French taxation system includes family income splitting (quotient familial), a system that lowers tax liability for married couples with unequal incomes (UNECE, 2012).

17The female part-time /full-time employment ratio in France is lower than in the Netherlands, but much higher than in Hungary (World Bank, 2014). The part-time employment penalty in terms of mean hourly wage, job security, and career opportunities is large in France (OECD, 2010). Compared to the Netherlands, France has high levels of in-work poverty among part-time employees, high shares of involuntary part-time work and high retention rates. Part-time positions in France appear to be relatively unattractive and it seems difficult to exit them (OECD, 2010).

The Netherlands: a high prevalence of part-time employment

18The increase in female activity and maternal employment in the Netherlands is ascribed to the expansion of part-time work rather than to family policies. The share of children under three attending formal childcare is low (CEC, 2001; Haas, 2003; Lewis et al., 2008; Plantenga and Hansen, 2001; Pronzato, 2009; Thevenon, 2008) and Dutch parental leave policy (since 1991) is also limited in scope (Bruning and Plantenga, 1999). Between 1991 and 1997 only part-time leave was allowed. Since 1997, employees have been allowed to take parental leave equivalent to 26 times the number of weekly working hours. There is no parental leave benefit, but parents who take parental leave do receive a tax reduction. In addition, up to the 2001 tax reforms, the Netherlands had a traditional joint-taxation system based on the male breadwinner model (Knijn, 2003).

19The right to work part-time is thus a major component of the work-life balance in the Netherlands (Ray, 2008). The Part-Time Employment Act, passed by the lower house of parliament in 2000, gives employees the right to demand a reduction in working hours (Haas, 2003). As a result Dutch mothers are typically supplementary income providers (Blossfeld and Hakim, 1997; OECD, 2010; World Bank, 2014). The penalties of part-time work (e.g. mean hourly wages, training) and in-work poverty among part-time employees are low (OECD, 2010). In addition, women with part-time jobs show high levels of job satisfaction and a low desire to change their working hours (Booth and van Ours, 2013).

Hungary: a highly developed system of parental leave

20Under state socialism, female and maternal employment was widespread. Three main factors explain this situation: government pressures to view labour participation as a civic duty, widely available childcare services (nurseries for children under three years old and kindergartens for children aged 3-6) (Baranowska-Rataj and Matysiak, 2014; Kocourkova, 2002; UNICEF, 1999), and low wages (Avdeyeva, 2009; Neels and Theunynck, 2012b). In comparison to neighbouring post-communist states, these conditions remained largely unchanged after 1990. Although government pressure decreased, extensive provision of public nurseries was maintained and enrolment rates in kindergartens remained at pre-transition levels (Avdeyeva, 2009). Low wages are still one of the main drivers of the two-earner model (Neels and Theunynck, 2012b). The Hungarian taxation system favours one-earner households less strongly than the Netherlands and France (OECD, 2010).

21Hungary is also characterized by a very generous child-related leave system which temporarily steers women into a caring role (Avdeyeva, 1009). In 1969 the first type of parental leave (GYES) was extended to the child’s third birthday, with a flat-rate payment. In 1985, another type of leave was introduced (GYED) which provided 65-75% of previous income, and from 1987 this leave could be used up to the child’s second birthday (Avdeyeva, 2009). The post-transition parental leave system is similar to the one that was in place during the communist era (Avdeyeva, 2009). Hungary continues to have one of Europe’s most extensive parental leave systems, which explains the country’s low maternal employment levels for women with children aged 0-3 (OECD, 2015).

22Part-time work is very rare in Hungary (OECD, 2010; World Bank, 2014), and compared with France and the Netherlands, part-time employment is associated with a high share of in-work poverty.

II – Research questions and hypotheses

23Previous literature shows positive educational gradients in maternal employment (Dex et al., 1998; Gutiérrez-Domènech, 2005). This article aims to decompose these educational gradients to assess whether educational differences in maternal employment reflect differentials already existing before family formation.

1 – What is the educational gradient in female employment before childbearing and how does the effect of childbearing vary by education?

24This article hypothesizes that there is a positive educational gradient in female employment before childbearing since highly educated women have more labour market opportunities, but also postpone first births until a stable labour market position is reached (Hypothesis 1).

25A negative effect of childbearing on women’s employment is expected, that might be smaller for highly educated women, but not necessarily. First, for highly educated women, greater use of (in)formal childcare, shorter leave uptake, more favourable attitudes toward combining work and family, and higher gender equality within the household may weaken the negative effects of childbearing on employment. However, if differential uptake of family policies and more positive attitudes toward maternal employment are the result of higher employment rates before childbearing, then the effects of childbearing on employment will not necessarily be weaker for highly educated women. To the extent that highly educated mothers can more easily afford periods out of the labour force, or more easily take advantage of leave schemes, the negative effects of childbearing on employment may indeed be stronger.

2 – What is the educational gradient in part-time female employment before childbearing and how does the effect of childbearing vary by education?

26This article hypothesizes that highly educated women are less likely to be in part-time work before childbearing since career investments are required at early stages of the life course for this group. However, no negative educational gradient is expected in the Netherlands since part-time work is associated with far fewer career penalties and may constitute a favourable labour market position (Hypothesis 2).

27To the extent that highly educated women can ease up on their career investments after childbearing, we expect highly educated women to progress more readily to part-time work after childbearing. It may be easier for highly educated women to find part-time work arrangements, whereas low educated groups more often need to work full-time for financial reasons (Hypothesis 3).

III – Data and Methods

1 – Data from the Generations and Gender Survey

28We use longitudinal microdata from the first and second waves of the Generations and Gender Survey (GGS). The first wave provides retrospective information on family formation (cohabitation, marriage, divorce, childbearing, etc.). This information is updated in the second wave and retrospective employment histories are included. [3] By combining the two waves, the relationship between family formation and employment can be examined retrospectively. After selecting women aged 15-49 between 1970 and the year before data collection (2008, 2009-2010, 2006-2007, respectively, in France, Hungary and the Netherlands) and excluding retired individuals, students, women who did not have a first or second birth during our observation period, and women with missing data for education, the original sample of 3,755 French, 3,617 Dutch, and 5,728 Hungarian women is limited to a sample of 2,306 French, 1,816 Dutch and 2,124 Hungarian women with a first child, and a second sample of 1,872 French, 1,598 Dutch, and 1,791 Hungarian women with at least two children. We use person-month data for France and Hungary, and person-year [4] data for the Netherlands to study educational differentials in female employment around the time of childbearing.

2 – Methods

29Using hierarchical data (person-periods nested in persons), mixed effects logit models of employment are estimated including a random effect at the woman level to control for time-constant unobserved heterogeneity. A limitation of the model is that the unobserved heterogeneity is not allowed to vary over time, whereas the literature shows that women’s preferences change over the life course (Drago et al., 2006; Evertsson and Breen, 2008; Garcia-Manglano, 2014). The first dependent variable (Model a) is employment, which distinguishes employed women from women who are unemployed, inactive or on parental leave. [5] Next, for women who are employed, we study the odds of part-time employment (Model b). [6]

30Two separate sets of models are estimated to consider the impact of first and second births on female employment. Concerning the first set of models (Models 1 and 3), women who remain childless are excluded. These models compare female employment 3-2 years [7] before the first birth with female employment up to 10 years after the first birth. Person-periods after the second birth are excluded from this set of models. The second set of models (Models 2 and 4) applies to women who had a second birth. In this set of models we compare female employment 3-2 years before the first birth [8] with female employment up to 10 years after the second birth. Person-periods after a third birth are excluded. This method is superior to a cross-sectional approach – comparing mothers to childless women regardless of whether the latter group will ever have children – as our approach allows us to assess the effect of the birth of one or two children on employment among a consistent group of women. The main limitation of this approach is that women who remain childless are not considered. Whereas Models 1-2 assess changes in female employment after the first and second birth, Models 3-4 investigate whether the impact of childbearing varies by educational group. Analyses are performed separately by country so that country-specific estimates can be obtained for all covariates, but also to ensure that heterogeneity in the educational composition of the populations by country does not influence the estimates of educational parameters (Uunk et al., 2005).

31The main independent variables [9] of interest are time relative to childbearing (time-varying) and level of education at the time of the survey (time-invariant). The former consists of four categories: 3-2 years before the first birth (reference category throughout the analyses), and 0-2 years, 3-5 years, or 6-10 years after the last birth. Education is based on the International Standard Classification of Education (ISCED): low (ISCED 0-2), medium (ISCED 3-4) and high (ISCED 5-6). We also control for union status, age, and calendar time (all time-varying). Concerning union status, we identify three categories: no union, unmarried cohabitation, and married. Union status is interacted with educational level to ensure that the interaction between education and time relative to childbearing is not confounded by varying effects of partnering on employment by education. Five-year age-groups (15-19, 20-24, 25-29, 30-34, 35-39, 40-44, 45-49) control for age differences in labour force activity. Five-year calendar time periods (1970-1974, 1975-1979, 1980-1984, 1985-1989, 1990-1994, 1995-1999, 2000-2008) are included to control for different labour market or policy contexts.

IV – Results and discussion

1 – Descriptive results

32In all three countries we observe a steep decline in labour force activity one year before the first birth (Figures 1A, 2A, 3A). The potential reasons for this decline are pregnancy leave, but also a positive effect of non-employment on first births. The lowest levels of female employment are observed around the time of birth. As the first child grows older, female employment recovers to some degree. A similar pattern is found for second births (Figures 1B, 2B, 3B). In addition, Figures 1-3 show that our samples become more selective over time as a result of censoring following a second or higher birth.

Figure 1

Person-months by activity status and proportion of censoring for women aged 15-50, France, 1970-2007

Figure 1

Person-months by activity status and proportion of censoring for women aged 15-50, France, 1970-2007

Note: A and B: [-6;0[years before 1st birth (excluding month of birth); A: [0;10] years after 1st birth (including month of 1st birth); B: [0;10] years after 2nd birth (including month of 2nd birth).
Source: GGS France.
Figure 2

Person-years by activity status and proportion of censoring for women aged 15-50, Netherlands, 1970-2005

Figure 2

Person-years by activity status and proportion of censoring for women aged 15-50, Netherlands, 1970-2005

Note: A and B: [-6;0[years before 1st birth (excluding month of birth); A: [0;10] years after 1st birth (including month of 1st birth); B: [0;10] years after 2nd birth (including month of 2nd birth).
Source: GGS Netherlands.
Figure 3

Person-months by activity status and proportion of censoring for women aged 15-50, Hungary, 1970-2008

Figure 3

Person-months by activity status and proportion of censoring for women aged 15-50, Hungary, 1970-2008

Note: A and B: [-6;0[years before 1st birth (excluding month of birth); A: [0;10] years after 1st birth (including month of 1st birth); B: [0;10] years after 2nd birth (including month of 2nd birth).
Source: GGS Hungary.

33Comparing the three countries studied in this paper shows differences in line with those described in Section II. France is characterized by a short-lived drop in employment after the first birth which is potentially related to the supportive set of family policies and positive attitudes toward maternal employment. However, the drop due to second births is stronger, due largely to a higher degree of leave uptake. The Netherlands is characterized by high shares of part-time work before and after childbearing which are consistent with Dutch social policy geared towards part-time work. Finally, Hungary exhibits a steep decline in female activity among women with a child aged 0-3 which swiftly recovers thereafter. As indicated in Figure 3, this short-lived decrease in female employment is mainly attributable to the generous Hungarian parental leave system.

34Figures 4-5 show a positive educational gradient in employment before the first child as well as after a first or a second birth. The educational gradient in part-time employment is less consistent over countries and time. For France, a negative educational gradient in part-time work is found before the first birth. This is also the case for one-child mothers, while for two-child mothers the gradient depends on the age of the second child. The Netherlands exhibits a clear positive educational gradient in part-time employment which seems to strengthen after the first and especially the second birth. Part-time work in Hungary is very rare at all educational levels.

Figure 4

Proportion of women in employment and proportion of employed women in part-time employment by education, women who have a first child, aged 15-50, France (1970-2007), the Netherlands (1970-2005), Hungary (1970-2008)

Figure 4

Proportion of women in employment and proportion of employed women in part-time employment by education, women who have a first child, aged 15-50, France (1970-2007), the Netherlands (1970-2005), Hungary (1970-2008)

Note: [-6;0[years before 1st birth (excluding year of birth); [0;10] years after 1st birth (including year of 1st birth).
Source: GGS France, GGS Hungary, GGS Netherlands.
Figure 5

Proportion of women in employment and proportion of employed women in part-time employment by education, women who have a second child, aged 15-50, France (1970-2007), the Netherlands (1970-2005), Hungary (1970-2008)

Figure 5

Proportion of women in employment and proportion of employed women in part-time employment by education, women who have a second child, aged 15-50, France (1970-2007), the Netherlands (1970-2005), Hungary (1970-2008)

Note: [-6;0[years before 1st birth (excluding year of 1st birth); [0;10] years after 2nd birth (including year of 2nd birth).
Source: GGS France, GGS Hungary, GGS Netherlands.

2 – Multivariate results

35Before discussing the parameters of interest, we briefly interpret the covariate estimates (Tables 1-2). The effects of age groups indicate that women aged 15-19 are least likely to be employed around childbearing. Depending on the country and parity group considered, the highest odds of employment occur among women in their 30s or 40s. On the contrary, the odds of working part-time are relatively high in the youngest age groups. The calendar time periods indicate that the odds of employment around childbearing for women who have a first or a second birth are highest in recent time periods in France and the Netherlands, whereas a declining pattern over time is found for Hungary. Results for France and the Netherlands also indicate that part-time employment has risen over time. With respect to education, we note that due to the interaction between education and union status, the parameter estimates related to education cannot be interpreted as a general educational gradient in female employment around childbearing. Educational gradients in labour market participation will be discussed in detail below. The estimates for union status indicate that compared to women not in a cohabiting union, cohabiting and married women mostly have lower odds of employment and higher odds of part-time employment. Besides stronger effects for higher educated groups in France, few educational differentials are found. Finally we also note that in all models the variance of the unobserved heterogeneity term is significant (Tables 1-3). Unobserved individual-level factors other than the variables controlled for in the models significantly impact female employment.

Table 1

Odds ratios from mixed effects logit models of activity status, women aged 15-50 who have a first birth, France (1970-2007), Netherlands (1970-2005), Hungary (1970-2008)

Table 1
Model 1 France Netherlands Hungary Model a E vs NE Model b PT vs FE Model a E vs NE Model b PT vs FE Model a E vs NE OR sig. OR sig. OR sig. OR sig. OR sig. 15-19 0.39 *** 1.63 *** 0.64 1.40 0.47 *** 20-24 0.71 *** 1.19 *** 0.95 0.85 0.80 *** 25-29 (ref.) 1 1 1 1 1 30-34 1.21 *** 0.95 1.48 *** 0.88 1.32 *** 35-39 1.53 *** 0.93 1.48 ** 0.90 1.29 *** 40-44 2.26 *** 0.76 ** 1.15 0.84 1.35 *** 45-49 2.56 *** 1.84 *** 0.83 0.60 1.82 *** Education Low (ref.) 1 1 1 1 1 Medium 2.17 *** 0.86 1.16 0.99 1.93 *** High 4.33 *** 0.46 *** 1.58 1.40 2.24 *** Union status by education No union (ref) 1 1 1 1 1 Partnered low 0.96 1.32 ** 1.43 1.11 0.81 * Partnered medium 0.55 *** 1.22 ** 1.17 1.30 0.83 ** Partnered high 0.42 *** 1.38 *** 1.27 1.23 1.18 Married low 0.61 *** 1.26 ** 0.79 1.29 0.99 Married medium 0.47 *** 1.13 * 0.76 1.53 * 0.60 *** Married high 0.28 *** 1.63 *** 0.91 1.60 ** 0.73 *** Duration since first birth 3-2 years before 1st birth (ref.) 1 1 1 1 1 0-2 years 0.25 *** 1.43 *** 0.10 *** 1.97 *** 0.02 *** 3-5 years 0.31 *** 1.30 *** 0.11 *** 2.28 *** 0.12 *** 6-10 years 0.35 *** 1.40 *** 0.11 *** 2.15 *** 0.13 *** Period 1970-1974 (ref.) 1 1 1 1 1 1975-1979 0.96 0.93 0.75 * 0.57 *** 0.55 *** 1980-1984 1.03 1.02 0.84 0.60 *** 0.32 *** 1985-1989 0.89 1.56 *** 1.13 1.84 *** 0.30 *** 1990-1994 1.13 1.61 *** 1.90 *** 2.11 *** 0.25 *** 1995-1999 1.34 *** 2.01 *** 2.84 *** 1.96 *** 0.30 *** 2000-2007 1.40 *** 2.59 *** 3.97 *** 2.64 *** 0.37 *** Random-effects parameters Variance (individual-level random effect) 3.94 *** 7.47 *** 2.78 *** 2.34 *** 5.26 *** Model parameters N Persons 2,306 2,099 1,816 1,605 2,124 N Person-periods 140,918 111,257 9,429 6,984 140,986

Odds ratios from mixed effects logit models of activity status, women aged 15-50 who have a first birth, France (1970-2007), Netherlands (1970-2005), Hungary (1970-2008)

Note: E: employed; FE: full-time employed; NE: not employed; PT: part-time employed ; OR: odds ratio.
Significance levels: * p < 0.050; ** p < 0.010; *** p < 0.001.
Sources: GGS France, GGS Hungary, GGS Netherlands.
Table 2

Odds ratios from mixed effects logit models of activity status, women aged 15-50 who have a second birth, France (1970-2007), Netherlands (1970-2005), Hungary (1970-2008)

Table 2
Model 2 France Netherlands Hungary Model a Model b Model a Model b Model a E vs NE PT vs FE E vs NE PT vs FE E vs NE OR sig. OR sig. OR sig. OR sig. OR sig. Age 15-19 0.42 *** 2.90 *** 0.47 * 1.74 * 0.34 *** 20-24 0.80 *** 1.46 *** 0.96 0.92 0.89 ** 25-29 (ref.) 1 1 1 1 1 30-34 1.28 *** 1.15 *** 1.29 ** 0.93 1.63 *** 35-39 1.42 *** 1.16 ** 1.56 *** 0.83 2.00 *** 40-44 1.60 *** 1.18 * 1.63 ** 0.69 * 2.19 *** 45-49 1.62 *** 1.26 * 1.32 0.52 * 1.18 Education Low (ref.) 1 1 1 1 1 Medium 1.59 *** 1.14 0.97 0.91 3.59 *** High 2.91 *** 0.68 * 1.83 * 1.69 * 8.91 *** Union status by education No union (ref) 1 1 1 1 1 Partnered low 0.62 *** 1.06 1.13 1.40 0.77 * Partnered medium 0.51 *** 1.24 ** 1.03 1.31 0.73 ** Partnered high 0.64 *** 1.97 *** 2.46 ** 1.13 0.28 *** Married low 0.50 *** 1.31 ** 0.91 0.90 1.19 * Married medium 0.58 *** 1.31 *** 0.95 1.63 ** 0.55 *** Married high 0.53 *** 1.94 *** 0.70 1.31 0.33 *** Duration since first birth 3-2 years before 1st birth (ref.) 0-2 years 3-5 years 6-10 years 1 1 1 1 1 0.12 *** 3.23 *** 0.06 *** 3.22 *** 0.01 *** 0.20 *** 2.93 *** 0.06 *** 4.14 *** 0.06 *** 0.21 *** 2.67 *** 0.07 *** 4.74 *** 0.07 *** Period 1970-1974 (ref.) 1 1 1 1 1 1975-1979 0.96 0.69 *** 0.85 0.62 *** 0.88 1980-1984 1.01 0.82 *** 0.89 0.79 * 0.44 *** 1985-1989 1.01 1.71 *** 1.06 1.83 *** 0.32 *** 1990-1994 0.93 1.82 *** 1.44 ** 2.20 *** 0.28 *** 1995-1999 0.96 1.90 *** 1.93 *** 2.18 *** 0.29 *** 2000-2007 1.29 ** 2.03 *** 2.45 *** 2.50 *** 0.36 *** Random-effects parameters Variance (individual-level random effect) 3.43 *** 5.42 *** 2.90 *** 2.61 *** 3.23 *** Model parameters N Persons 1,872 1,613 1,598 1,380 1,791 N Person-periods 153,910 108,017 12,996 8,476 154,969

Odds ratios from mixed effects logit models of activity status, women aged 15-50 who have a second birth, France (1970-2007), Netherlands (1970-2005), Hungary (1970-2008)

Note: E: employed; FE: full-time employed; NE: not employed; PT: part-time employed ; OR: odds ratio.
Significance levels: * p < 0.050; ** p < 0.010; *** p < 0.001.
Sources: GGS France, GGS Hungary, GGS Netherlands.
Table 3

Odds ratios from mixed effects logit models of activity status, women aged 15-50 who have a first birth (Model 3) or a second birth (Model 4), France (1970-2007), Netherlands (1970-2005), Hungary (1970-2008)

Table 3
Model 3: first child France Netherlands Hungary Model a Model b Model a Model b Model a E vs NE PT vs FE E vs NE PT vs FE E vs NE OR sig. OR sig. OR Sig. OR sig. OR sig. Duration since first birth 2-3 years before 1st birth (ref.) 1 1 1 1 1 0-2 years 0.35 *** 1.76 *** 0.12 *** 1.41 * 0.05 *** 3-5 years 0.38 *** 1.68 *** 0.12 *** 1.79 ** 0.16 *** 6-10 years 0.40 *** 1.44 *** 0.15 *** 1.68 * 0.16 *** Duration since first child by education 0-2 years medium 0.54 *** 0.72 *** 0.81 1.60 ** 0.30 *** 3-5 years medium 0.71 *** 0.68 *** 0.70 1.34 0.56 *** 6-10 years medium 0.80 ** 0.88 0.69 1.17 0.62 *** 0-2 years high 0.59 *** 0.84 0.64 1.47 * 0.17 *** 3-5 years high 0.71 *** 0.75 * 0.42 ** 1.41 0.46 *** 6-10 years high 0.66 *** 1.33 * 0.56 1.65 0.89 Random-effects parameters Var(cons) 4.01 *** 7.53 *** 2.76 *** 2.35 *** 7.08 *** Model parameters N Persons 2,306 2,099 1,816 1,605 2,124 N Person-months 140,918 111,257 9,429 6,984 140,986 Model 4: second child France Netherlands Hungary Model a Model b Model a Model b Model a E vs NE PT vs FE E vs NE PT vs FE E vs NE OR sig. OR sig. OR Sig. OR sig. OR sig. Duration since 2nd birth 3-2 years before 1st birth (ref.) 0-2 years 3-5 years 6+ years 1 1 1 1 1 0.20 *** 2.00 *** 0.08 *** 1.91 *** 0.03 *** 0.26 *** 2.08 *** 0.08 *** 2.61 *** 0.10 *** 0.27 *** 2.09 *** 0.09 *** 3.07 *** 0.09 *** Duration since 2nd child by education 0-2 years medium 0.46 *** 1.45 *** 0.60 * 1.90 ** 0.16 *** 3-5 years medium 0.61 *** 1.28 ** 0.59 * 1.81 ** 0.29 *** 6+ years medium 0.69 *** 1.13 0.65 1.73 ** 0.41 *** 0-2 years high 0.54 *** 2.53 *** 0.83 1.92 ** 0.33 *** 3-5 years high 0.72 ** 2.05 *** 0.80 1.75 * 0.82 6+ years high 0.65 *** 1.76 *** 0.91 1.79 ** 1.31 Random-effects parameters Variance (individual-level random effect) 3.49 *** 5.46 *** 2.90 *** 2.62 *** 3.37 *** Model parameters N Persons 1,872 1,613 1,598 1,380 1,791 N Person-months 153,910 108,017 12,996 8,476 154,969

Odds ratios from mixed effects logit models of activity status, women aged 15-50 who have a first birth (Model 3) or a second birth (Model 4), France (1970-2007), Netherlands (1970-2005), Hungary (1970-2008)

Note: E: employed; FE: full-time employed; NE: not employed; PT: part-time employed ; OR: odds ratio.
Control variables: age, education, union status by education, period.
Significance levels: * p < 0.050; ** p < 0.010; *** p < 0.001.
Sources: GGS France, GGS Hungary, GGS Netherlands.

Childbearing and changes in female employment

First childbirth

36For all three countries we find that becoming a mother (Table 1) reduces the odds of active labour force participation. In line with the descriptive results, France exhibits the smallest drop in female employment, whereas the Netherlands, and especially Hungary, show a very sharp drop among women with a first child aged 0-2. In line with earlier studies, we find that as the child grows older, the odds of female employment rise again. In France, mothers increasingly return to employment, and this recovery is even stronger in Hungary. However, in the Netherlands the odds of employment remain similar as the first child grows older. Among women active in the labour force, the birth of a first child is positively related to part-time work in France and even more so in the Netherlands.

Second birth

37The comparison of women’s employment before becoming a mother and after a second birth (Table 2) shows that, in line with the descriptive results, having a second child further depresses the odds of being employed in all three countries. As the second child grows older the odds start rising again, especially in Hungary. For France and the Netherlands, the odds of working part-time further increase following a second birth.

Educational differentials

Educational differences in maternal employment

38In line with the descriptive results, positive educational gradients in maternal employment are found in France, the Netherlands and Hungary (Figure 6B). [10] Concerning part-time work, French mothers show a negative effect of high education on part-time work, one-child mothers especially, whereas the Netherlands shows a clear positive educational gradient in part-time employment for one-child and especially two-child mothers (Figure 6D). [11] In the following sections these educational differences in maternal employment are decomposed into differences before motherhood on the one hand, and differential effects of childbearing on the other.

Before first childbirth

39The multivariate results also corroborate the descriptive finding of positive educational gradients in employment before childbearing (Figure 6A). [11] The findings indicate that in all countries women with medium and high levels of education are more likely to work 3-2 years before the first birth. Hence, female employment before first childbirth depends strongly on education. Again in line with the descriptive findings of this study, the multivariate results indicate a negative educational gradient in part-time work 3-2 years before the first birth in France, whereas the Netherlands is characterized by a positive effect of high education (Figure 6C). [11]

Figure 6

Effect of education on employment of women aged 15-50, 3-2 years before the 1st birth and up to 10 years after 1st or 2nd birth (odds ratios), France (1970-2007), the Netherlands (1970-2005), Hungary (1970-2008)

Figure 6

Effect of education on employment of women aged 15-50, 3-2 years before the 1st birth and up to 10 years after 1st or 2nd birth (odds ratios), France (1970-2007), the Netherlands (1970-2005), Hungary (1970-2008)

Source: GGS France, GGS Hungary, GGS Netherlands.

After first childbirth

40Table 3 indicates whether the effects of the first birth on employment are significantly different for women with medium or high education compared with low educated women. The education-specific effects are presented in Figure 7.

Figure 7

Education-specific effects of childbearing on part-time employment, women aged 15-50 (odds ratios), France (1970-2007), Netherlands (1970-2005), Hungary (1970-2008)

Figure 7

Education-specific effects of childbearing on part-time employment, women aged 15-50 (odds ratios), France (1970-2007), Netherlands (1970-2005), Hungary (1970-2008)

Sources: GGS France, GGS Hungary, GGS Netherlands.

41In France the decrease in the odds of employment after a first birth is smallest for low educated women. This finding is supported by the significant negative differential effects for medium and highly educated women. Similarly, in the Netherlands the negative impact of a first birth on the odds of employment seems to be weakest for low educated women. However, the differential effects are mostly insignificant. Although the effect of a child aged 6 or older is similar for high and low educated women, the findings for Hungary also indicate that the decrease in female employment is significantly stronger for medium and highly educated women. Hence, there are clear indications of a stronger decline in employment for medium and highly educated women. Further sensitivity analyses for France and Hungary show that this stronger decline of active labour force participation after the first child for medium and highly educated women is largely explained by higher maternity/parental leave uptake by these groups.

42The trajectory in part-time work after the first birth is relatively similar across educational groups in France and the Netherlands. Although the presence of a first child aged 0-5 is associated with a weaker increase in part-time work for women with medium or high education, and the positive effect of a first child aged 6-10 is strongest for highly educated women, no clear pattern of educational differences in the effect of the first birth on the odds of part-time work is found. For Dutch women the rise in part-time work after the birth of a first child is found to be stronger among medium and highly educated women, though most differential effects for these educational groups are not significant.

After second childbirth

43In line with the results for first births, the drop in employment after a second birth is smallest for low educated women in France, the Netherlands and Hungary. However, in the Netherlands most differential effects for medium and highly educated women are not significant, and in line with the results for first births, the differential effect of a second birth for highly educated women in Hungary disappears after the child reaches two years of age. Further sensitivity analyses for France and Hungary show that this stronger decline of employment after the second child for medium and highly educated women is largely explained by higher maternity/parental leave uptake.

44The positive effect of a second child on part-time work is significantly stronger for medium and highly educated women in France and the Netherlands. Whereas in France especially the rise in part-time employment is much stronger among highly educated women, this is the case for both medium and highly educated women in the Netherlands.

IV – Conclusion

45In line with previous research, this study finds a positive educational gradient in maternal employment (Dex et al., 1998; Gutiérrez-Domènech, 2005). However, it is among the first to decompose educational differences in maternal employment into differences before motherhood and differential effects of childbearing on employment. As expected (Hypothesis 1), before motherhood a positive educational gradient in female employment is found. This finding is related to the fact that the greater human capital of higher educated women gives them more opportunities on the labour market (Dolado et al., 2000; Gaudet et al., 2011; McQuaid and Lindsay, 2005). In addition, highly educated women more often postpone childbearing until a favourable labour market position is reached (Liefbroer and Corijn, 1999), whereas lower educated women may develop childbearing strategies in response to unfavourable labour market situations (Friedman et al., 1994).

46Although a high level of education is related to greater use of childcare services and more favourable attitudes toward work-family compatibility (Ghysels and Van Lancker, 2009; Neels and Theunynck, 2012a, 2012b; Paull et al., 2002 Scott, 1999), this article indicates stronger negative effects of childbearing on female employment among women with medium or high education. This may indicate that differential use of childcare and varying attitudes are a reflection of a stronger attachment to the labour force before childbearing. This study finds that the larger decrease in female employment due to childbearing in France and Hungary is attributable mainly to higher maternity/parental leave uptake by medium and highly educated women. Positive educational gradients in maternal employment are largely explained by the activity status before motherhood whereas the sharper fall in employment after childbirth for medium and highly educated women is not strong enough to counterbalance the positive educational gradient which already existed before family formation.

47Subsequently, this article studies the odds of working part-time for French and Dutch women in employment. The educational gradient in maternal part-time employment is positive in the Netherlands, while it is negative for French mothers. In line with our approach to female employment, the educational differences in maternal part-time work are decomposed into differences before motherhood and differential effects of childbearing. The negative educational gradient in part-time work before the first birth in France and the positive educational gradient in the Netherlands are related, respectively, to a strong penalty associated with part-time work in France and the more favourable characteristics of part-time work in the Netherlands (Hypothesis 2). If part-time working is penalized, higher educated women will steer away from it at an early stage of their career.

48The educational gradients in part-time employment among one-child mothers largely reflect educational differentials which already existed before the first birth. However, the positive effects of a second birth on part-time employment are stronger for medium and highly educated women. This finding suggests that these women can ease up on their career investments or more easily find part-time work arrangements after childbearing, whereas low educated groups more often need to work full-time for financial reasons (Hypothesis 3).

49To summarize, this article finds strong positive educational gradients in employment before motherhood in France, the Netherlands, and Hungary. This educational gradient potentially indicates fewer opportunities for low educated women, but also the development of childbearing strategies in response to unfavourable labour market positions (Friedman et al., 1994). Since the drop in active labour force participation after childbearing is found to be greatest among medium or highly educated groups as a result of higher leave uptake, the positive educational gradient in employment before childbearing is held responsible for the positive educational gradient in maternal employment. Hence labour market policy geared towards access to the labour market and labour force attachment of lower educated groups before motherhood is identified as a relevant approach for enhancing educational equality in maternal employment.

50Concerning part-time employment, this article finds that strong increases after the second birth for medium and highly educated women considerably affect the educational gradients in part-time work among two-child mothers. When the two-child norm is met, highly educated mothers more often opt for part-time jobs which facilitate the work-family balance.

Notes

  • [*]
    University of Antwerp, Belgium.
    Correspondence: Jonas Wood, Centre for Longitudinal and Life-course Studies, Universiteit Antwerpen, Sint Jacobstraat 2, B-2000 Antwerp, Belgium, email: jonas.wood@uantwerpen.be
  • [1]
    This article defines employability as the “ability to gain employment or move to a more suitable job” (McQuaid and Lindsay 2005, p.207).
  • [2]
    The difference in social transfers as a percentage of the difference in gross earnings when comparing a one-earner to a two-earner family is slightly smaller than in the Netherlands (OECD, 2010).
  • [3]
    See www.ggp-i.org for more information.
  • [4]
    The labour market histories in the Dutch GGS do not include monthly data.
  • [5]
    The extent to which spells of maternity or parental leave uptake can be identified in the GGS data depends on the country considered. The French GGS data includes the category “maternity or parental leave” which does not distinguish between the two types of leave. Parental leave uptake can be identified in the Hungarian GGS data but not maternity leave uptake, which is considered as a working period. In the Dutch GGS data, leave spells cannot be identified and the category in which these person-periods are included is uncertain.
  • [6]
    Due to low cell frequencies for part-time work, the distinction between full-time and part-time work cannot be made for Hungary.
  • [7]
    Descriptive results (discussed below) show that from 5 years to 1 year before the first birth, the educational gradient in female employment is relatively stable. Using different reference periods (e.g. 3-2 years before birth) did not alter the results found in this study.
  • [8]
    The reference period is that preceding the first birth, for mothers of one child and of two children.
  • [9]
    The distribution of person-periods by all independent and dependent variables is available in the supplementary materials.
  • [10]
    Full results are available in the supplementary materials.
  • [11]
    Full results are available in the supplementary materials.

Abstract

English

Despite the rise in maternal employment in Europe between 1970 and the 2000s, women’s labour market positions continue to depend much more strongly on family formation than those of men. The available literature on educational gradients in maternal employment is largely based on cross-sectional comparisons. This study is among the first to decompose educational differences in maternal employment into differences prior to motherhood and differential effects of childbearing on employment. Drawing on longitudinal microdata (Generations and Gender Survey) for France, the Netherlands, and Hungary, participation in the labour force is studied using mixed effects logit models. In addition we distinguish part-time and full-time work. In line with the available literature, clear positive educational gradients in maternal employment are found, largely reflecting positive educational differentials already existing before family formation. This finding is related to the fact that highly educated women typically aim to establish a career before starting a family, but also have better labour market opportunities in general. Temporary drops in labour force participation are larger after a first birth among highly educated women. Part-time working of mothers is less strongly determined by employment before the first birth, and its frequency increases with educational level.

Keywords

  • maternal employment
  • education
  • Europe
  • part-time work
  • Generations and Gender Survey
Français

Constitution de la famille et activité des mères

Différences selon le niveau d’éducation en Europe

Malgré la hausse de l’activité des mères de famille entre les années 1970 et 2000 en Europe, la présence des femmes sur le marché du travail continue de dépendre beaucoup plus que celle des hommes du processus de constitution de la famille. La littérature sur les différences de taux d’activité des mères en fonction de leur niveau d’instruction repose en grande partie sur des comparaisons transversales. Cet article est l’un des premiers à décomposer ces écarts éducatifs en différences avant la première maternité d’une part, et effets de la fécondité sur l’emploi d’autre part. En exploitant des données longitudinales individuelles françaises, néerlandaises et hongroises (Generations and Gender Survey), cette étude analyse l’activité économique avec des modèles logits à effets combinés, en distinguant emploi à temps partiel et emploi à plein temps. On observe une nette augmentation des taux d’activité des mères de famille avec leur niveau d’instruction qui pré-existe avant même la constitution de la famille. Les femmes avec un niveau d’instruction très élevé souhaitent souvent investir dans leur carrière avant de fonder une famille, et elles ont aussi accès, en général, à de meilleures opportunités d’emploi. Les interruptions d’activité après une naissance sont plus fréquentes parmi les femmes les plus instruites. Le travail à temps partiel des mères est moins fortement déterminé par leur activité avant la première naissance, et sa fréquence augmente avec le niveau d’instruction.

Español

Constitución de la familia y actividad materna

Un análisis según el nivel de instrucción

A pesar del aumento de la tasa de actividad de las madres entre los años 1970 y 2000 en Europa, la presencia de las mujeres en el mercado del trabajo continua dependiendo, mucho más que la de los hombres, del proceso de constitución de la familia. La literatura sobre las tasas de actividad de las madres en función de su nivel de instrucción se basa en gran parte en comparaciones transversales. Este artículo es uno de los primeros en descomponer estas discrepancias de instrucción en diferencias antes de la primera maternidad, por un lado, y efectos de la fecundidad sobre el empleo, por otro lado. A partir de datos longitudinales individuales franceses, holandeses y húngaros (Generations and Gender Survey), este estudio analiza la actividad económica con modelos logit de efectos combinados, distinguiendo el empleo a tiempo parcial y el empleo a tiempo completo. Se observa que las tasas de actividad de las madres antes del comienzo de la constitución de la familia aumentan con el nivel de instrucción. Las mujeres con un alto grado de instrucción desean frecuentemente invertir en su carrera profesional antes de fundar una familia, y también tienen en general mayores oportunidades de empleo. Las interrupciones de actividad después de una maternidad son más frecuentes en las mujeres más instruidas. El trabajo a tiempo parcial de las madres está menos fuertemente determinado por su actividad antes del primer nacimiento, y su frecuencia aumenta con el nivel de instrucción.

Outline

  1. I - Educational differences in female employment in three countries
    1. 1 - Female employment and educational attainment
      1. Female employment before motherhood
      2. Combining work and family
    3. 2 - The French, Dutch and Hungarian settings
      1. France: a high maternal employment rate
      2. The Netherlands: a high prevalence of part-time employment
      3. Hungary: a highly developed system of parental leave
  3. II - Research questions and hypotheses
    1. 1 - What is the educational gradient in female employment before childbearing and how does the effect of childbearing vary by education?
    2. 2 - What is the educational gradient in part-time female employment before childbearing and how does the effect of childbearing vary by education?
  5. III - Data and Methods
    1. 1 - Data from the Generations and Gender Survey
    2. 2 - Methods
  7. IV - Results and discussion
    1. 1 - Descriptive results
    2. 2 - Multivariate results
      1. Childbearing and changes in female employment
        1. First childbirth
        2. Second birth
      3. Educational differentials
        1. Educational differences in maternal employment
        2. Before first childbirth
        3. After first childbirth
        4. After second childbirth
  9. IV - Conclusion

References

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Authors

Jonas Wood [*]
  • [*]
    University of Antwerp, Belgium.
    Correspondence: Jonas Wood, Centre for Longitudinal and Life-course Studies, Universiteit Antwerpen, Sint Jacobstraat 2, B-2000 Antwerp, Belgium, email: jonas.wood@uantwerpen.be
Karel Neels [*]
  • [*]
    University of Antwerp, Belgium.
    Correspondence: Jonas Wood, Centre for Longitudinal and Life-course Studies, Universiteit Antwerpen, Sint Jacobstraat 2, B-2000 Antwerp, Belgium, email: jonas.wood@uantwerpen.be
David De Wachter [*]
  • [*]
    University of Antwerp, Belgium.
    Correspondence: Jonas Wood, Centre for Longitudinal and Life-course Studies, Universiteit Antwerpen, Sint Jacobstraat 2, B-2000 Antwerp, Belgium, email: jonas.wood@uantwerpen.be
Tine Kil [*]
  • [*]
    University of Antwerp, Belgium.
    Correspondence: Jonas Wood, Centre for Longitudinal and Life-course Studies, Universiteit Antwerpen, Sint Jacobstraat 2, B-2000 Antwerp, Belgium, email: jonas.wood@uantwerpen.be
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